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Ross Douthat.

Since the midterm elections of 2022, the end of the Trump era in American politics has become at least a 50-50 proposition. Many people expected Trump to diminish his self-indulgent act, which holds true to his loyalists, but it may not yet be in the offing for him to reclaim his throne and smite his challenger, emerging from Mar-a-Lago. Trump has also traded digital cards with his devoted fans, shilling himself for $99. Meanwhile, Ron DeSantis has surged in multiple national polls, promising a royal battle in which he could emerge as a potential challenger to Trump in 2024.

If DeSantis claims the mantle, it is likely that Republicans, liberals, and the Resistance, who are fiercely opposed to Trump, will find the deeply unsatisfying ending to be probably the most unsatisfying.

There will be no perp parade where Trump departs the White House in handcuffs (although he may still face indictment; that optimism remains), no disclosures of Putinist betrayal compelling the Trumps to flee to a Middle Eastern sanctuary, no Aaron Sorkin-scripted condemnation expelling him, in disgrace, from the public eye.

DeSantis will become the politician to combat Trump’s battles, adopting his pugilistic and populist approach with enhanced effectiveness and cunning. If DeSantis succeeds in defeating Trump, there won’t be a significant rejection of the Trumpist style either.

The Republican Party will persist in leading those individuals who reluctantly supported Trump in every instance except the most severe, even if a Liz Cheney presidential campaign proves to be their downfall; however, the “Stop the Steal” supporters suffered numerous defeats in the recent elections, which resulted in a degree of political accountability. Nonetheless, there seems to be no prospect of holding Trump’s enablers in the Republican Party accountable for their complicity.

At The Bulwark, a recent essay by Bill Lueders, titled “You’re Only Leaving Trump Now?”, Highlights the evident spirit of righteous anger that is being generated by these realities: Republicans will only abandon Trump if they are confident that he cannot win, not because of his extensive record of indecent and unconstitutional acts.

As an original Never Trumper, I do not resent anyone for having this reaction. If Trump loses popularity, it will be a win for publications like The Bulwark, but naturally, people desire more than just a small, subdued triumph after a lengthy, seemingly existential campaign. They desire validation. They want to experience the collective agreement that “never again” will such a situation occur.

The absence of a satisfying vindication or repudiation is a normal feature of democratic life. However, under the most challenging circumstances, only losing can de-catalyze that — Dei vox, vox populi — an act of winning an election creates an alchemy of loyalty. In the case of Andrew Jackson’s slow divorce from the Democratic Party, it takes time for parties to repudiate their most dismaying leaders, which can extend for centuries or decades. And when it comes to each election, voters usually don’t impose permanent penalties on parties, preferring to take it as it comes.

In the later years, only a few of them were nominated and voted for by the parties. They turned around and voted for the parties that nominated them. In droves, the public voted against the perceived dangerous radicalism of George McGovern and Barry Goldwater. Ronald Reagan, having been one of Nixon’s staunch defenders throughout the Watergate affair, paid no price for his attachment to Nixon and was elected as the next Republican president after Nixon’s resignation. The Democratic Party’s Southern wing, which was literally an insurrectionist party in the 1860s, was simply reunited with the normal party opposition after the Civil War, but its attachment was tainted by the Northern wing’s perception of it as dangerous.

The next in line after the Communist Party, whose authoritarian reign had recently been toppled, was undoubtedly the prominent opposition party in Russia during the short period when Russia operated as a partially functional democracy, or, to provide an international illustration.

There was no enduring consequence as conservative activists felt disheartened; the majority of the public moved forward once those measures were lifted or subject to discussion during the 2021 elections. However, when those policies were still in effect, they indeed played a critical part. The upcoming 2022 elections will see Democratic overreach on Covid restrictions, particularly school closures, playing a decisive role. Conservatives view this as a hopeful prospect. The voters’ reluctance to dwell on the past is frustrating for those who believe that it is not solely anti-Trumpers who influence present-day politics.

How can you ensure that serious mistakes won’t be repeated when slipping clothing onto and returning sheep? It is completely understandable to desire vindication for this.

To avoid such repetition, it is crucial to ensure that you have a well-devised plan for securing victory in the upcoming election and the subsequent ones, even though it may be difficult to accept. This should be done on the public’s conditions, rather than your own.

The New York Times is committed to publishing a diverse range of letters, articles, and tips. We would like to hear what you think about any of our content, so please send your thoughts to letters@nytimes.Com.

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Ross Douthat. has been an Opinion columnist for The Times since 2009. He is the author of several books, most recently, “The Deep Places: A Memoir of Illness and Discovery.” @DouthatNYT • Facebook

A version of this article is published in the print edition on , Section.

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